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September 21, 2017
Publications / Documents
Year XV N° 64 - April 26, 2017
The biggest problem the UN is facing when defending Human Rights is that only a minority of its 193 members have a well-institutionalized democracy. Furthermore, unlike many authoritarian regimes and countries with poor democratic systems, which constitute the majority in the General Assembly, they do not coordinate their policy on human rights with each other. What stood out after analyzing the membership of the Human Rights Council (UNHRC) between 2007 and 2017 was that three countries with a poor record on human rights, namely Saudi Arabia, Cuba and China, in fact, served for the longest time possible. Without question, it is rather unlikely that these dictatorships will contribute to the mission of the UNHRC, which consists of promoting human rights in all member states. However, what is even more concerning is that most countries, which Freedom House considers “Not Free” or “Partly Free”, have stagnated in terms of political and civil liberties while serving as members on the Council. This reaffirms the need to introduce reforms that would tackle its membership problem and render it more efficient.
By Gabriel C. Salvia y Matthias Peschke
Year XIV N° 59 - November 9, 2016
The historical framework. Human rights in a communist dictatorship. The Peaceful Revolution in Autumn 1989 and German Unity on 3 October 19904. The complexity of the world in 2016. The role of human rights today. Basic principles of human rights policy in Europe.
By Günter Nooke
Year XIV N° 58 - September 15th, 2016
A renewed struggle between democracy and authoritarianism has emerged. The decade-long democratic decline reported by Freedom House has been most dramatic within the ranks of already authoritarian regimes, which have become even more repressive. At the same time, the most influential among them—China, Russia, and Iran—have become more internationalist. In doing so, they have found ways to exploit integration and to broaden their influence in the democratic world. Through the development of the antidemocratic toolkit of simulated NGOs, think tanks, election monitors, and news media, the autocrats are actively seeking to undermine democracy from within.
By Christopher Walker
Year XIII Number 56 - December 9, 2015
Sixteen years after the first World Movement Assembly, the situation has dramatically changed. We no longer have the strong wind of triumphant democracy in our sails. Instead, we are facing a reinvigorated wind of authoritarianism that defies us not only in practice but also ideologically and tests our understanding of our own values, our consistency, and our commitment.
By Ladan Boroumand
Year XI Number 48 - October 31, 2013
A constantly recurring theme in our discussions has been the extent to which a country’s, or group of countries’, distinctive history and culture impacts on what can be done and how quickly it can be done when it comes to both initiating and sustaining transitions from authoritarianism to democracy, and in particular whether revolutions are likely to consolidate or collapse.
By Gareth Evans
Year XI Number 136 - September 3, 2013
The internal competitiveness of the 2013 primary elections (PASO) was very low, indicating that parties/alliances remain far from a political opening that involves citizens in the selection of candidates for general elections. In that regard, with the purpose of evaluating compliance with the objectives of the law which enabled the PASO elections to take place, the following is an index that measures the competitiveness of the primaries this year.
By Adrián Lucardi, Gabriel Salvia y Lara Jeich
Year X Number 39 - November 1, 2012
Speech by Glanis Changachirere, Institute for Young Women Development, Zimbabwe: On the Occasion of the Opening Ceremony of the 7th World Assembly, October 14th, 2012 in Lima, Peru.
By Glanis Changachirere
Year X Number 38 - October 23, 2012
Essential human rights principles say that for citizens ‘everything which is not forbidden is allowed’ while for the government ‘everything which is not allowed is forbidden’. But authoritarian states manage to turn these principles upside down both in law and it practice.
By Yevgeniy Zhovtis
Year VIII Number 115 - October 28, 2010
This document seeks to study the UPR corresponding to the Cuban regime, which took place during the fourth working session of the UPR Working Group, in the period February 2nd-13th 2009, and its corresponding context. The focus is comparative between two regions of the world: Latin American governments and European governments.
By Eduardo Viola y Héctor Ricardo Leis
Year VII Number 30 - September 17, 2009
This document seeks to study the UPR corresponding to the Cuban regime, which took place during the fourth working session of the UPR Working Group, in the period February 2nd-13th 2009, and its corresponding context. The focus is comparative between two regions of the world: Latin American governments and European governments.
By Pablo Brum y Mariana Dambolena
Year VII Number 101 - June 23, 2009
This document intends to analyze the functioning of the “economic model” in the provinces, reflecting on the political impact which the current economic crisis could have there. The leading argument is that, since the country overtook the 2002 crisis, the provincial governments adopted a pro-cyclic model that is based upon a constant increase of public spending and public sector employment, which will enforce a cutback on expenditures, starting on June 28th.
By Adrián Lucardi
Year VII Number 27 - May 14th, 2009
Committed diplomacy is a problematic concept. Even though its exact definition is elusive, it is a practice that is backed by sufficient historical evidence to be recognized internationally. However, that does not subtract from the fact that the acts of diplomats committed to human rights beyond their call of duty are a scarce minority.
By Pablo Brum y Mariana Dambolena
Year VII Number 94 - March 20, 2009
The most alarming issue within the President’s speech is her conception of economics: “Economics – as you all know - is, precisely, to administer with the disposable resources and the contributions at hand. Always within economy it occurs that what some people receive is taken from others, because the only one who could multiply fish and bread was Jesus Christ, the rest has to make decisions based on the disposable resources.”
By Adrián Lucardi
Year VII Number 96 - April 14, 2009
As a sort of contemporary slaves, we, the Cuban people in the middle of the 21st century, do not only depend on government permissions to leave or to return to our country, but we are also constantly confronted with the violation of our right to free movement, as the permissions are granted arbitrarily, they are delayed or refused, causing a deep grief within thousands of innocent families, who, paralyzed by their fear, are unable to claim for the respect of their basic rights.
By Hilda Molina
Year VII Number 92 - January 30, 2009
Few ideas generated more adhesion and sympathy during the whole 20th century than these of socialism and nation. And nothing else within History triggered off bigger disasters than the attempt to unify both of them to one singular political project.
By Fernando A. Iglesias
Year V Number 18 - September 18th, 2007
Political transitions are highly uncertain events. For example, in 1988, the conventional wisdom was that communist rule in Eastern Europe was entrenched and would last into the indefinite future. The right question to ask about Cuba is not what will happen but rather what could happen. The latter question implies more than one possible future scenario. In this article, I construct and discuss alternative futures in Cuba after Fidel Castro passes away. The possibility of a transition to democracy in Cuba depends mainly on three causal factors.
By Juan J. López
Year V Number 17 - July 18th, 2007
Rogue states are perhaps new as a term in international politics, but they are not a novelty per se. They have existed throughout the different periods of history, generally displaying the same characteristics: The system of government is dictatorial and tend more towards totalitarianism than towards authoritarianism; their rhetoric and foreign policy are fervently anti-American; unlike other dictatorships, they are obsessed with international politics; they are constant practitioners of melodrama and expert users of propaganda.
By Pablo Brum
Year IV Number 65 - March 2, 2007
A lot of “Argentine ideas” have been floated in Serbia of late. As Serbia looks at experiences of other countries, it must realize that the key to growth and development lies in generating the kind of economic competitiveness that allows the country to succeed in the global marketplace. Most importantly, it must realize that there is no global conspiracy led by international fi nancial institutions, and that the blame for failure, as well as praise for success, should be directed towards domestic reformers, rather than anyone else.
By Boris Begovic