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CADAL’s Consultant on Global Projects participated in the Special Session of the CAJP on lessons learned and exchange of good practices on freedom of peaceful assembly and association, of the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States Committee on Juridical and Political Affairs. He was the only representative of civil society to point out the situation in Cuba. Complained by colleagues from the San Isidro Movement (Cuba) and La Corriente Feminista (Nicaragua), member organizations of the Coalition for Freedom of Association.
Protests in early July in Karakalpakstan were harshly repressed, leaving 18 dead and more than 500 detained, according to the government, which also said protesters had attempted to occupy public buildings. Mirziyoyev went even further and, although he did not accuse anyone in particular, declared that the riots were planned for years by foreign forces, as if the civil society of his country could not question him. For a few days, internet access was blocked and a state of emergency and curfew were established.
The democratic recession allows us to understand an inexcusable phenomenon: the rise of autocrats within democracies and the development of democratic leaders and movements within autocracies. The attempt to transfer these Latin American tunings to the IX Summit of the Americas was the prequel to the dysfunctional aftermath of the region, where a semi-failed state like Mexico and a nation in dystopian involution like Argentina come to the rescue of three regressive autocracies: Nicaragua, Venezuela and Cuba.
Post-Soviet republics do not have citizenship policies that are as liberal as those in the Americas. Most of them prohibit their citizens from holding Russian passports specifically, which can alienate Russian-speaking populations, even leading them to support Putin’s military interventions. This is too bad, because freedom of movement and the possibility of citizenship in democratic countries are a liberal antidote for Russian irredentism.
The future of the democratic system, far from certain and in precarious balance even in countries with a long tradition, was the focus of discussion during a National Endowment for Democracy (NED) forum honoring the celebrated political scientist Larry Diamond.
The statements of the president of the People’s Supreme Court could not be more absurd. There is nothing further from a “modern” law than the new Cuban criminal code, an archaic catalog of prohibitions, severe punishments and limitations that put an almost definitive clamp on the possibility of expressing oneself, through the press, art, any cultural or political expression, contrary to the official point of view.
Not all authoritarian or semi-authoritarian regimes are allies of Moscow, but all Moscow’s allies are authoritarian regimes. When the United Nations General Assembly voted in March to condemn the Russian invasion of Ukraine, only five states opposed it: Belarus, North Korea, Eritrea, Syria and Russia itself. In April, the same organization voted to suspend Russia in the Human Rights Council and this time there were 24 countries that supported the Kremlin. Among others, Cuba, China, Iran, Kazakhstan, Nicaragua, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Vietnam joined. And Venezuela should probably also be included, but its right to vote is suspended. All these countries are ruled by dictatorships.
If the path to world peace depends on the globalization of democracy, then countries with governments based on the standards of article 12 of the Universal Declaration on Democracy must adopt international democratic solidarity as a fundamental axis of its foreign policy on human rights and do so without double standards.