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Cuba will most likely be elected to its fifth term in the HRC, which will enable it to run for re-election in 2023. By returning to the Council in 2023, Cuba would then complete 18 of the 20 years of the HRC’s existence in one of its seats. Other countries with a similar record, such as Saudi Arabia or China, could achieve the same. The fact that Cuba manages to maintain its «leadership», spending as many years as possible in an organization that it makes fun of, says a lot about the lack of real leadership in Latin America regarding the defense of human rights.
«Cuba's lack of commitment to the Universal System of Human Rights» (in Spanish: «La falta de compromiso de Cuba con el Sistema Universal de Derechos Humanos»), a report by analysts Brian Schapira and Roxana Perel, edited and presented by CADAL, is a superb investigation that crosses the sinuous itinerary of the Cuban government in human rights matters, parting from a moment of change and inflection in the main international body created by the United Nations to face global human rights challenges.
The current outline in English addresses the main ideas and statements included in the report «La falta de compromiso de Cuba con el sistema universal de derechos humanos» (Cuba’s lack of commitment to the international human rights system), originally published in Spanish. To fully understand it, a thorough reading would be required. However, we believe the current summary, to which we have decided to add both the report’s introduction and conclusion sections almost entirely, represents a valuable document that will offer a comprehensive overview of the topics discussed and the conclusions drawn from the original report.
In the exact sense of the Narcissus myth, the Cuban state may drown in the attempt to kiss the constructed and projected image of itself in an era previous to instant and globalised information. In the post-Covid-19 world, states need more than mirrors. They need effiicency.
(Clarín) Would anyone accept in any country in Latin America that there can only be one ideology and that if one does not share it is a traitor subject to being fought by any means? Then it is worth asking, where is the regional reaction to such legal aberration and criminalization of human rights?
The list of complacent would be long, for example, those of democratic countries whose officials never received any nomination for the Award for Committed Diplomacy in Cuba, so it is as if they were not there. And most worrying, after the delivery of the last edition of the Prize for the period 2016-2018, is the setback that some embassies recorded.
(The Global Americans) Given the significant numbers of votes against the reform, the results of the referendum call into question the unanimity on which Castro and the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC) have always attempted to stake the legitimacy of the revolution.
However, despite the objective fact that Cuba is not a democracy because it established a one-party system and therefore its authorities do not win free and fair elections with competition there is so much evidence of the repressive features of their regime that is documented in its own Constitution, Criminal Law, Special laws and decisions of the People's Courts - all denounced by the most prestigious international human rights organizations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch - therefore drawing attention that in Latin America the government of the Castro brothers is not seen for what it evidently is: a dictatorship.
The challenge of the Forum was not only addressed to the Cuban dictatorship but also to the other member states of the CELAC, to the developed democracies which have embassies in Havana and the officials of regional organizations such as the OAS and the EU and international bodies such as the UN.